Žižekova „Thatcher iz redova ljevice“ potrebna nam je ko ribi bicikl

Ilija Todorić, Gabriel Levy • 08.05.2013.

tema:

direktna demokracija, maoizam, Margaret Thatcher, Slavoj Žižek, staljinizam

Filozof Slavoj Žižek vatreno se nada „Thatcherici ljevice“ te u članku u New Statesmanu (prijevod Zarez br. 357, Ljevičarska posveta Thatcher, op. prev.) odaje počast snažnim vođama. Suprotnog sam mišljenja: potreban nam je pokret koji bi preokrenuo svijet naglavačke bez takvih lidera i njihovog potencijala za autoritarizam i hijerarhiju.

Žižek, kojeg se smatra vodećim „lijevim“ intelektualcem, objašnjava svoje stajalište referirajući se na pristup Winstona Churchilla vojnim odlukama: svesti analize stručnjaka na „jednostavno da ili ne“. Takva „gesta, koja nikada ne može u potpunosti biti utemeljena na razumu, gesta je Gospodara“, piše Žižek. „Gospodar je osobito potreban u situacijama duboke krize.“ Thatcher „je bila takav Gospodar, držeći se svoje odluke koja je prvo percipirana ludom, postupno uzdižući svoje osobno ludilo do prihvaćene norme.“

Usput budi rečeno, tvrdim da je ovo idealiziran, jednostran prikaz Thatcher. Istina, bila je više ideologizirana i dogmatična nego ostali torijevski vođe, no nije vodila sve svoje bitke odjedom – iako je govorila o njima. Da, uništila je britansku industriju i osvećivala se „vanjskim“ (Argentina) i unutarnjim (rudari) neprijateljima – no uz svo njeno hvalisanje o zauzdavanju države, proračunski troškovi rasli su iz godine u godinu i odgodila je većinu privatizacija.

Zajednice radničke klase slavile su ne samo njen odlazak, već i to što su je nadživjeli bez obzira na ožiljke koje nose.

No Žižekova osnovna poanta nije o Thatcher. Radi se o tome da nam je potreban netko na „ljevici“ tko može „ponoviti Thatcheričine geste u suprotnom smjeru“. On takvog Gospodara suprotstavlja „aktivnoj participativnoj demokraciji“ – prema kojoj je nepovjerljiv, no za koju smatram da je srce i duša socijalizma.

Zahtjevi i demokratske aspiracije narodnih prosvjeda diljem Europe „stvaraju neku vrstu epistemološke prepreke pravom sukobu s trenutačnom krizom našeg političkog sustava“, tvrdi Žižek. No najgora stvar od svega, piše Žižek, jest bilo kakva ideja direktne (tj. participatorne i aktivne, u suprotnosti s parlamentarnom) demokracije. „Mit o nepredstavljačkoj direktnoj samoorganizaciji posljednja je zamka, najveća iluzija koja treba pasti, ona koje se najteže odreći“ – no odreći je se moramo.

Žižek ne otkriva što misli pod „vodstvom“. Prema mojem shvačanju, mnoge kvalitete koje izraz može implicirati nisu samo nužne za uspjeh bilo kojeg pokreta društvene transformacije, već su također nezamislive bez razvoja direktne, participatorne demokracije: odlučnost i inicijativa (bez kojih se nikad niti jedna skupina demonstranata nije probila kroz policijske ili vojne linije, a niti jedna skupina aktvisita nije nagovorila svoje kolege na štrajk); strateško razmišljanje (bez kojeg su velike, dugotrajne borbe i transformacije nezamislive); sposobnost teoretiziranja (bez čega niti jedan pokret ne može prosperirati).

Zašto bi se takve kvalitete morale sjediniti u jednoj osobi? I kako se oduprijeti opasnosti, o kojoj povijest svih revolucija 20. stoljeća pruža deprimirajuće dokaze, vođa koji postaju autoriteti … ili nešto još gore? Žižek o tome ne govori. Kao što niti ne pokušava poreći generacije komunista - od čartista do Karla Marxa, Friedricha Engelsa i Williama Morrisa, i mnogih drugih u 20. i 21. stoljeću – koji su kao pokretačku silu promjene vidjeli radničku klasu i šire slojeve društva podjarmljenih pod kapitalizmom.

Žižek pruža dva razloga za potrebu za „Gospodarom“. Prvo, iako mogu postojati „ekstatični trenuci grupne solidarnosti“ tijekom revolucija, oni „ne traju“. „Velika većina, uključujući i mene, želi biti pasivna i ovisiti o učinkovitom državnom aparatu koji će osigurati glatko funkcioniranje čitave društvene građevine, kako bih se mogao baviti vlastitim radom u miru.“

Milijuni ljudi koji obavljaju besmislene, malodušne i nekreativne poslove kako bi zaradili za život možda se ne bi htjeli baviti vlastitim radom u miru na način kao što to može filozof sa sveučilišta. Drsko je od Žižeka da govori u njihovo ime. Što se tiče „učinkovitog državnog aparata koji osigurava glatko funkcioniranje čitave društvene građevine“, ne vidim što je „ljevičarsko“ ili radikalno u tome. Koliko razumijem, socijalizam jest istiskivanje države.

Žižekov drugi argument jest da je Gospodar važan kao protuteža „našem demokratskom osjećaju“. Citirajući Alaina Badioua, Žižek tvrdi da u svrhu nadilaženja iluzija o predstavničkoj (tj. parlamentarnoj) demokraciji, „pozivanje na samoorganizaciju nije dovoljno: nužna je nova figura Gospodara.“

To je prastari argument: ljudi su nesposobni za donošenje odluka i njihovo kolektivno implementiranje; trebaju nekoga tko će to učiniti umjesto njih. „Socijalizam odozgo“, koji se poklapa sa sindromom „velikog vođe“, bori se protiv „socijalizma odozdo“ još od početka 19. stoljeća (ili čak od klasičnih vremena, ovisno o računanju). Sudar te „dvije duše socijalizma“ briljantno je sažet u članku Hala Drapera iz 1966. (za odgovor na optužbe protiv anarhizma iznesene u tom tekstu, vidi http://masa-hr.org/content/kontra-mo%C4%87 , op. prev.)

Umjesto Žižekove idealizirane „Thatcherice iz redova ljevice“, promotrimo realno postojeće „Thatchere iz redova ljevice“ koji su se suprotstavili Thatcher i ostalim neoliberalnim vođama tijekom njihova zenita 1980-ih i nakon toga.

Žižek spominje Huga Chaveza iz Venezuele, „snažnog karizmatičnog vođu“, i tvrdi da je za „pokušaje razvoja modela direktne demokracije (lokalni odbori, kooperative, radnici koji vode tvornice)“ u Venezueli, „nužna referencija na vođu“. Zašto? Upravo su ti pokreti odozdo sadržavali zametak transformirajuće društvene promjene, a ne Chavez. Socijalizam je izgradnja takvih pokreta (koji ponekad mogu iznjedriti vođe poput Chaveza) – a ne propovijedanje pokretima kako trebaju „vođu koji im omogućuje da se izdignu iz močvare“ (kako Žižek opisuje Chaveza).

„Socijalisti odozgo“ poput Chaveza ili Fidela Castra najrazumljiviji su u povijesnom kontekstu. Pojavili su se na političkoj sceni kojom je dominirao socijalizam odozgo u svom najgorem, zločinačkom obliku - onom sovjetskog diktatora Staljina i osnivača kineske „komunističke“ države Mao Tse-Tunga. Staljinizam i maoizam na mnoštvo su načina utjecali na etatističku ideologiju Castrove Kube, militarizam Che Guevare, Chavezovu vlast u Venezueli i mnoge „oslobodilačke pokrete“ 20. stoljeća.

Kod Žižeka ima i dosljednosti: u uvodu nedavnog izdanja nekih Maovih djela, jasno pokazuje da njegov „socijalizam odozgo“ ne samo da je sklon velikim vođama koji „omogućuju“ narodu da se izdigne iz močvare, već također priznaje kao „uvjet slobode“ teror koji može uništiti milijune ljudskih života. Tvrdnja se na sličan način ponavlja u Žižekovoj knjizi In defence of lost causes.

„Potrebno je ponoviti Maoa, oživljavajući njegovu poruku stotinama milijuna podjarmljenih anonimaca“, piše Žižek. Okrutnost s kojom je Mao primijenio „veliki skok naprijed“ 1958-61. opisuje kao "radikalnu" – što je po Žižeku glavni uzrok gladi koja je ubila desetke milijuna ljudi. Tijekom gladi, „Mao je točno znao što se događa, govoreći: polovica Kine možda će morati umrijeti. To je instrumentalni pristup u svom najradikalnijem obliku: ubijanje kao dio bezobzirnog pokušaja postizanja cilja, reduciranje ljudi na alate za jednokratnu upotrebu.“ Bila je to „racionalna strategija“ suprotstavljena iracionalnom karakteru nacističkog Holokausta, tvrdi Žižek.

Nadalje, Žižek citira Maovu spremnost na nuklearni rat sa SAD-om u slučaju nužde. „Prelako je odbaciti te rečenice kao isprazan stav vođe spremnog žrtvovati milijune za svoje političke ciljeve (ad absurdam ekstenzija Maove okrutne odluke o izgladnjivanju do smrti desetaka milijuna ljudi kasnih 1950-ih), piše Žižek. „Druga strana tog odbacujućeg stava jest osnovna poruka: „nemojmo se bojati“. Nije li to jedini ispravan stav što se tiče rata? […] Definitvno postoji nešto zastrašujuće u tom stavu. Međutim, taj teror nije ništa manje nego uvjet slobode.“ (Potpunije citiram relevantne odlomke u bilješci ispod teksta.)

Teror je „uvjet slobode“; okrutna odluka o izgladnjivanju do smrti desetaka milijuna ljudi je racionalna, kao da ih to nekako čini boljima od nacističkih ubijanja; emancipaciju postižu veliki vođe i muškarci s pištoljima, a ne kolektivna i participatorna demokracija. To je kamo vodi „socijalizam odozgo“ i tu nema ničeg novog.

Takva opravdanja staljinizma beskrajno su iznosili njegovi apologeti u 20. stoljeću. Pokušavati ih nametnuti društvenim pokretima danas, nije radikalno. Nije pametno. I ne vjerujem da će upaliti.

Zaključci

Slavoj Žižek može željeti „Thatcher iz redova ljevice“, no sigurno on ne želi biti taj. Pretpostavljam da njegova popularnost, barem na sveučilištima, nije stvar sindroma „velikog vođe“, već sindroma „velikog mislioca“: traženja nekoga tko će za ljevicu odraditi njezino razmišljanje. Po mom mišljenju to pokazuje veliku udaljenost koju još uvijek kolektivno moramo prijeći kako bismo razvili istinski emancipatorne ideje.

Potreban je kolektivan napor za obnovu fundamentalnih aspekata socijalističkog razmišljanja u 21. stoljeću, uključujući naše razumijevanje odnosa između socijalizma i feminizma; hijerarhije, političkog autoriteta i države nakon staljinizma; rada, tehnologije, radnog procesa i tranzicije onkraj kapitalizma; kao i odnosa između čovječanstva i njegovog prirodnog okoliša te načina na koji bi on mogao evoluirati u takvoj tranziciji.

Uklanjanje ostataka staljinističke ideologije i „socijalizma odozgo“ preduvjet je postizanju ozbiljnog napretka u bilo čemu od toga. Kako se možemo upustiti u bilo kakvo kreativno razmišljanje o oslobođenju čovjeka, sve dok se vuku ideje o tome kako oslobođenje ne ovisi o aktivnoj, participatornoj demokraciji već o „Thatcherici iz redova ljevice“? Da i ne spominjemo reciklirani maoizam koji masovno ubijanje običnih ljudi doživljava kao nužan dio tog procesa.

Bilješka: Žižek o Mao Tse-Tungu

„U Kini pod japanskom okupacijom, patriotsko jedinstvo protiv Japanaca bila je dominantna stvar ako su komunisti htjeli pobijediti u klasnoj borbi – svako direktno fokusiranje na klasnu borbu u tim uvjetima išlo je protiv same klasne borbe.“ (iz Žižekovog uvoda o Mao Tse-Tungu, On practice and contradiction (London: Verso, 2007), str. 6.)

„Ako je vjerovati Maovoj posljednjoj biografiji (Mao: the unknown story, Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, London: Vintage, 2007), on je uzrokovao najveću glad u povijesti izvozom hrane u Rusiju za nabavu oružja i nuklearne tehnologije: 38 milijuna ljudi je izgladnjeno i ropski eksploatirano do smrti od 1958. do 1961. Mao je točno znao što se događa, govoreći: polovica Kine možda će morati umrijeti. To je instrumentalni pristup u svom najradikalnijem obliku: ubijanje kao dio bezobzirnog pokušaja postizanja cilja, reduciranje ljudi na alate za jednokratnu upotrebu – a mora se imati na umu da nacistički Holokaust nije bio jednak: ubijanje Židova nije bilo dijelom racionalne strategije već autoteličan cilj, pedantno planiran iracionalni eksces (prisjetimo se deportacije posljednjih Židova s grčkih otoka 1944. neposredno prije njemačkog povlačenja, ili masovnog korištenja vlakova za transport Židova umjesto ratnog materijala 1944. ) Zbog toga je Heidegger u krivu kad reducira Holokaust na industrijsku proizvodnju leševa: to je bio staljinistički komunizam, a ne nacizam.“ (str. 10)

„[…] to je način na koji treba ponoviti Mao Tse-Tunga, oživljavajući njegovu poruku stotinama milijuna podjarmljenih anonimaca, jednostavnu i dirljivu poruku hrabrosti: ' Ne treba se bojati veličine. Maleni će svrgnuti velike. Maleni će postati veliki.' Ista poruka hrabrosti podržava Maov (ne)slavni stav spram atomskog svjetskog rata: [citira Maoa, koji je napisao: „Snažno se zalažemo za mir i protiv rata. […] no ne bojimo ga se. […] ako imperijalisti inzistiraju na pokretanju trećeg svjetskog rata, izvjesno je da će još nekoliko stotina milijuna okrenuti socijalizmu, a tada na zemlji neće mnogo ostati imperijalistima.' Žižek zatim nastavlja:] „Prelako je odbaciti te rečenice kao isprazan stav vođe spremnog žrtvovati milijune za svoje političke ciljeve (ad absurdam ekstenzija Maove okrutne odluke o izgladnjivanju do smrti desetaka milijuna ljudi kasnih 1950-ih) - druga strana tog odbacujućeg stava jest osnovna poruka: „nemojmo se bojati“. Nije li to jedini ispravan stav što se tiče rata? 'Prvo, protiv smo rata; drugo, ne bojimo ga se'? Definitvno postoji nešto zastrašujuće u tom stavu. Međutim, taj teror nije ništa manje nego uvjet slobode.“ (str. 27-28)

I Žižek o Trockom…

„Ovdje sam spreman braniti Trockog univerzalne militarizacije života, Trockog Crvene Armije. Za mene je to dobar Trocki. Zanimljivo je kako zapadni marksisti koji opažaju ove aspekte Trockog obično izvlače zaključak kako to dokazuje da je staljinizam bio objektivan proces, kako bi Trocki da je pobijedio jednostavno bio drugi Staljin… Ne, ja mislim da njegova logika nije bila staljinistička; bila je to neka druga logika Terora.“ (Historical Materialism, vol. 7 (2000), str. 196).

Gabriel Levy

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