Protiv nacionalizma u Hrvatskoj (MASA, Rijeka)

Ovaj tekst je proizvod izlaganja delegata Mreže anarhosindikalista (Rijeka) u Saint Imieru u Švicarskoj (8.8.2012.), povodom anarhističkog internacionalnog okupljanja (Rencontre Internationale de l'Anarchisme) na 140. obljetnicu osnivanja Anarhističke Internacionale. (1) Izlaganje se održalo na temu povratka ekstremne desnice i fašizma u Europi i anarhističkog protivljenja nacionalizmu, zajedno s drugovima iz Anarchist Federation (Britanija i Irska) i iz Alternative libertaire (Francuska). Izlaganje je ujedno i prvi javni nastup naše riječke grupe na internacionalnoj razini i prenosimo ga u tekstualnoj formi, koja je naravno nešto proširenija i preciznija od samog usmenog izlaganja. I tekst i knjižica nastaju u sklopu Protunacionalističke kampanje.


(1) Od 8. do 12. kolovoza 2012. u Saint Imieru (Švicarska), održan je međunarodni skup anarhista - Rencontre Internationale de l'Anarchisme, u istome gradiću gdje je prije 140 godina (1872.) stvorena St-imierska Anarhistička Internacionala, nakon što je iz Prve Internacionale bilo isključeno anti-autoritarno krilo pokreta. Ovo novo anti-autoritarno Međunarodno udruženje radnika nadživjelo je istoimenu marksističku granu do kraja stoljeća. Nama je bitno, jer tada anarhizam započinje organizirano koračati svijetom.


(...jedan od trenutaka s izlaganja u St. Imieru...)

Samo izlaganje, ali i tekst u nastavku, podijeljeno je u tri dijela; Nacionalizam kao snažna mobilizacijska snaga 90-ih, Nacionalizam kao odvraćanje pozornosti 2000-ih i Protunacionalistička kampanja i anarhističko suzbijanje nacionalizma – čime smo, nadamo se, napravili jednu cjelinu koja obuhvaća pregled povijesti nacionalizma, djelovanja nacionalizma i našeg anarhističkog, anti-autoritarnog i slobodarskog odgovora na njega.

 

Nacionalizam kao snažna mobilizacijska snaga 90-ih

Nacionalizam je za vrijeme rata od 91' do 95' bio mobilizacijska snaga u svim državama bivše Jugoslavije, kao i u cijelom tzv. Istočnom bloku i to se ne može poreći. Mi još uvijek nismo napravili analizu zašto se to sve tako odvilo, ali nam je danas potpuno jasno da dok su mladi ljudi ginuli na bojištima započinjala se stvarati jedna nova elita sačinjena od birokracije i vladajućeg sloja iz bivše države, pomiješana s ratnim profiterima koji su zaradili na raznim malverzacijama i prijevarama počinjenim u izvanrednom stanju rata.

Kao natuknicu za početak analize ovog povijesnog perioda, mogli bismo ustvrditi kako su nacionalističke tendencije, sasvim očekivano, ojačale u periodu kada su se tzv. 'socijalistički režimi' našli u krizi, odnosno u svojoj dezintegraciji, te da je nacionalizam bio ključna mobilizacijska snaga u tadašnjoj ("istočnoj") rekonfiguraciji kapitalizma – u promjeni sistema iz državno-kapitalističkog u "čisti" kapitalistički način produkcije. U Jugoslaviji se ta tranzicija odvila najekstremnije – odnosno kroz ratni konflikt među etnicitetima/religijskim grupama, ali je važno napomenuti da to nije posljedica, kako vole tvrditi liberalni ideolozi, "stoljetne mržnje" među tim narodima, nego je ona radije posljedica već spomenute rekonfiguracije kapitalizma. S druge strane, te obzirom da se odvijala kroz ratni konflikt, ta "nova" akumulacija kapitala i stvaranje novih elita odvila se "brutalnije" nego inače (odnosno kroz 'privatizacijsku pljačku' – što je postala i sveprisutna fraza u Hrvatskoj).

Tako imamo primjere privatizacije raznih društvenih poduzeća (koja su zakonski bila u vlasništvu radnika, ali ipak pod kontrolom partije i države), koja su iz društvenog i državnog vlasništva preko noći prešle u ruke privatnika i političara. U Hrvatskoj se ovaj proces odvio i kroz projekt tzv. "200 hrvatskih obitelji" kojima se – po političkoj liniji – dodjeljivalo društveno i državno vlasništvo. Ono što su vlasnici radili s ovim novim dobivenim kapitalom moglo bi se svesti na sljedeći recept. Jednom dobivene tvornice ubrzo bi se nastojale prikazati kao neprofitabilne (odnosno birokratske – što se uzimalo kao kleveta za socijalizma), zaustavljalo se njihovo poslovanje i smanjivala produktivnost, a ukoliko su radnici i imali udio u dionicama "sugeriralo" bi im se da ih prodaju vlasnicima. Zatim bi tvornice vrlo skoro proglasile stečaj i zatvorile. Vlasnici bi kasnije njihovu tržišnu vrijednost procijenili na upola manju cifru od njihove stvarne vrijednosti, te bi se one uskoro i prodale. Na kraju ovog procesa, vlasnici bi izašli s golemim privatnim profitom, a radnici često s neisplaćenim plaćama i bez posla. Na ovaj se način vršila i de-industrijalizacija Hrvatske, što je zanimljivo spomenuti s obzirom na današnje rasprave o globalizaciji. Ukratko u vihoru rata nicali su, očekivano, i razni ratni profiteri. Kao primjer toga, te da istaknemo tu političku i ekonomsku komponentu novonastale elite, imamo primjere današnjih gradonačelnika velikih gradova u Hrvatskoj, koji su svoje prve velike novce zaradili preprodavajući humanitarnu pomoć namijenjenu žrtvama rata. Ili pak primjer danas najbogatijeg čovjeka u Hrvatskoj Ivice Todorića, koji je prije rata bio cvjećar, koji danas posjeduje velike lance dućana, poljoprivredne koncerne, vinarije i punionice vodom, trafike i benzinske crpke i koji sam crpi profite 30 000 radnika. Na ove i slične načine se stvorio konsenzus „bivših“ i „svježih“ kriminalaca u jeku rata, koji je omogućio da si međusobno čuvaju leđa, ne iz solidarnosti, već iz uzajamne ucjene, jer i jedni i drugi posjeduju informacije koje bih ih međusobno mogle poprilično ugroziti.

Danas je progresivnom dijelu stanovništva potpuno jasna slika kako je u kaosu rata s jedne strane nacionalizam zamaglio oči većini populacije, dok su se „vizionari“ bogatili na prijevarama, privatizacijama državnih firmi i općenito na bijedi većine stanovništva. Ovu argumentaciju smo odlučili i sami „gurati“, obogaćenu anarhističkom kritikom rata, nacionalizma, državnog kapitalizma u Jugoslaviji, ali i s naglaskom na to kako su socijalna prava ipak bila veća u bivšoj državi – odnosno kako bi trebalo biti normalno da svi imamo dobar životni standard i društvo u kojem se ne bi trebali brinuti hoćemo li imati posao. Tu dolazimo i do anarhističke strategije obrane socijalnih prava: Treba održati socijalno, javno zdravstvo, školstvo te radnička prava. Ali to ne znači da se borimo za staru pravdu. Pored toga što se ne želimo odreći prava dobivenih stoljetnim borbama, u mislima također moramo imati i dugoročnu perspektivu. Dok postoje država i kapital, uzroci iskorištavanja i zatiranja također će se pojavljivati unutar javnog školstva, zdravstva i socijale (Federacija za anarhistično organiziranje - FAO, Slovenija, 6.12.2012.).

 

Nacionalizam kao odvraćanje pozornosti 2000-ih

Dok je nacionalizam u 90-ima imao snažnu mobilizacijsku snagu (te bio jedna od glavnih komponenti akumulacije kapitala kao i za ulazak u redove novih elita) njegova se uloga početkom 2000-ih bitno mijenja. Te godine su značajne za Hrvatsku iz više razloga (poput kraja autoritarne vladavine Franje Tuđmana) ali one generalno predstavljaju i početak "neoliberalizacije" ekonomije, društva i politike, kao i novih valova – sada legalnih i neoliberalnih – privatizacija. U tom smislu promijenio se i politički rječnik koji sada počinje odbacivati "nacionalno" u ime onog "europskog" koje počinje predstavljati "alternativu" i novi put, i koji će kao takav obilježiti cijelo desetljeće. To europsko nije značilo ništa drugo do novog vala rekonfiguracije kapitalizma – odnosno njegovu neoliberalnu alternativu. Naspram snažne mobilizacijske snage koju je nacionalizam imao 90-ih, on tako 2000-ih mijenja ulogu te počinje služiti kao jeftino odvraćanje pozornosti populaciji Hrvatske od bitnih svakodnevnih problema uzrokovanih neoliberalizacijom.

U sljedećim primjerima vjersko i nacionalno obilježje će se ispreplitati, jer u Hrvatskoj biti Hrvat, znači ujedno i biti katolik, te obrnuto. Unatoč navodnoj sekularističkoj državi, Crkva u Hrvatskoj ima snažan utjecaj, te se upliće u politička, ekonomska i društvena pitanja, najčešće u suradnji ili kroz prividni sukob s vlašću.

Zadnji primjer je relativno svježi i odnosi se na plansko davanje medijskog prostora nacionalističkim snagama pred referendum o ulasku u Europsku uniju. Na taj način se stvorila atmosfera kako je biti protiv EU istovjetno biti nacionalista, nazadan, protiv progresa, za ostanak u "blatu Balkana". Tako su sve neodlučne oko unije stjerali u tabor „civiliziranih zapadnjaka“ ZA Europsku uniju, nasuprot „euroskepticima“ i „nacionalnim strastima“. Europa nije imala alternativu – što se kao sintagma provlačilo kroz medije, a svi PROTIV su se automatski smještali u nacionalistički tabor, kao nazadnjaci koji stoje na putu progresa. Tu je nacionalizam iskorišten kao „babaroga“, koja je poslužila discipliniranju neodlučnog glasačkog tijela.

Stariji primjeri se odnose na vjeronauk i katoličke križeve u školama, gdje se kroz medije podizala prašina, budeći nacionalno-vjerske strasti, o pitanjima uklanjanja križeva iz škola, premještanju vjeronauka u školskom rasporedu i sl. Time je u biti odvraćana pozornost od jednog puno konkretnijeg procesa od vjeronauka i križeva – procesa povećanog otpuštanja, strmoglavog rasta nezaposlenosti, spuštanja životnog standarda i rezanja socijalnih prava. Na ovaj način uspješno je suzbijan proces rađanja klasne svijesti, pronalazeći joj nadomjestak u nacionalno-vjerskoj svijesti.

Sljedeći primjer, koji je do nedavno bio aktualan, je plan podizanja najvećeg kipa Isusa na svijetu od navodno 39 metara, u drugom gradu po veličini u Hrvatskoj –  Splitu. Plan je iznio gradonačelnik Splita, koji je ujedno i poduzetnik, te osnivač i predsjednik Hrvatske građanske stranke. Tvrdi kako će platiti kip "svojim novcem" i donacijama. Isti čovjek je npr. uništio tvornicu Dikom-a, bivšu Jugoplastiku, i na njezinom mjestu 2007. izgradio veliki trgovački centar Joker. Kipom Isusa koristi se kao psihološkom i emocionalnom manipulacijom, jer se na kraju svodi na to kako je on pobožan čovjek i biti protiv njega bi značilo biti i protiv Isusa, jer koji bi normalan Hrvat-katolik bio protiv spomenika Isusa, pogotovo na mjestu gdje je nekada pisalo Josip Broz Tito. Također, takvim planom nastoji maknuti poglede, većine populacije Splita, sa svojih poduzetničkih aktivnosti na religijsko pitanje i kip Isusa. Uz ovo, Kerum je poznat po nacionalističkim izjavama protiv Srba i kao ratni profiter koji se obogatio za vrijeme rata na prodaji humanitarne pomoći Caritasa u svojim dućanima i malverzacijama sa šećerom (radi se o preprodavanju 75 tona šećera iz carinskog skladišta). Mobilizaciju u vojsku je, naravno, izbjegao.

Zadnji primjer koji želimo navesti je vrlo kratak i općenit. Radi se naravno o sportu i predstavljanju utakmica, pobjeda i poraza, kao nečega najbližeg ratnom stanju u trenutnom "miru". Zadnja takva situacija je izjava hrvatskog rukometnog izbornika na Olimpijskim igrama, koji je pobjedu nad srpskom rukometnom ekipom poistovjetio s američkim filmom "Oluja", time u biti podsjećajući i vrlo vjerojatno aludirajući na veliku ratnu operaciju "Oluja" izvedenu 95'. Isti čovjek je već od prije poznat po sličnim izjavama, aludirajući na rat, ali u ratu, naravno, nikada nije ni bio.

 

Protunacionalistička kampanja i anarhističko suzbijanje nacionalizma

Primijetili smo da je nacionalizam raširen među mladima u Hrvatskoj. S jedne strane to ni ne iznenađuje jer se radi o novoj generaciji koja je srasla sa svim ideološkim naslagama aktivnog nacionalizma u Hrvatskoj, s 'novom' (anti)poviješću i koja kao takva predstavlja posljedice tranzicije (aktualne još i danas kroz npr. nezaposlenost, sniženi životni standard, besperspektivnost itd. koji posebno zahvaćaju mlađu generaciju). No pored ovih sistemskih i povijesnih objašnjenja prisutnosti nacionalizma među mladima, smatramo da postoji i dodatan razlog – sada i ovdje – radi kojeg je nacionalizam raširen među njima.  To je zato jer mladima prvenstveno pristupaju nacionalisti, a mladi u njima prepoznaju anti-sistemsku snagu, koja im nudi drugačiji moral od kapitalističkog društva, borbu protiv „neprijatelja“ i „dostojanstvo“. Ovo je prvenstveno vidljivo na stadionima, među navijačima.

Da bi razumjeli kontekst u kojem djelujemo bitno je navesti i da su do prije nekoliko godina u Hrvatskoj što se tiče anarhizma uglavnom bili zastupljeni lajfstajl anarhisti. (2) Oni su gradili svoj anarhizam na specifičnom načinu odijevanja, prehrane i muzike – te su tako stvarali uvjete jedino za izgradnju anarhističke sekte, koja nema nikakvih mogućnosti za izvršiti utjecaj na svoju okolinu, a kamoli se postaviti kao vodeća anti-sistemska snaga u društvu. Danas se bez ustručavanja može reći da su u Hrvatskoj lajfstajl anarhisti 'pali test' na više razina: mnoga politička pitanja s kojima se susretala radnička klasa kroz sve ove godine za njih jednostavno nisu definirana kao politička, nije postojala želja da se smisleno uhvati u koštac s lokalnim problemima, a niti želja da se na njih aktivno utječe. Uvidjevši kompleksnost situacije u kojoj se ovaj prostor nalazio, kao i nepovoljan kontekst za radikalne borbe, čini se da su oni radije izabrali supkulturnu izolaciju i tek se nadali da će svojim primjerom nešto dokazati nekome. 


(2) Za podrobniju analizu suprotstavljenosti lajfstajl anarhizma socijalnome anarhizmu, preporučamo tekst Murraya Bokchina Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism - An Unbridgeable Chasm.


Stvari se donekle mijenjaju nakon 2008. kada se osniva MASA, jer unatoč našem anarhosindikalističkom predznaku naša prvotna zadaća i prvi napori su bili usmjereni na izgradnju anarhizma koji će biti prepoznat zbog okrenutosti prema zajednici, radnome mjestu i općenito društvu. (3) Naš socijalni karakter nam je omogućio da izađemo iz supkulturnih granica i steknemo uvjete za vršenje utjecaja na šire društvene slojeve.


(3) Mreža anarhosindikalista (MASA) je osnovana na prvom nacionalnom anarhosindikalističkom sastanku u Zadru 17.02.2008., a održala je svoj prvi Kongres 12.4.2008.  u Zagrebu.


Ovdje sada uopće nije bitno ime MASA, niti naša organizacija, već drugačiji pristup društvu – pristup sa socijalnih anarhističkih pozicija. Na taj način, barem u Rijeci, počeli smo pristupati zajednici i mladima, potiskujući nacionalizam, jer uspijevamo pokazati da je anarhizam jedina konkretna i dosljedna anti-sistemska snaga, dok je nacionalizam u biti ideologija vladajuće klase. Na taj način smo skromno, ali ipak počeli parirati nacionalizmu, kao lažnoj anti-sistemskoj snazi na ulici i u zajednicama.

Tu smo prepoznali ključnu razliku između pristupa lajfstajl anarhista i našeg pristupa, jer mi ne bježimo od prosvjeda na kojima se pojavljuju nacionalisti i hrvatske zastave, već na njih dolazimo s crveno-crnim zastavama, agitiramo i suzbijamo njihov utjecaj na licu mjesta. Lajfstajl anarhisti, ako ih uopće i zanimaju prosvjedi i socijalna gibanja, na njih neće doći jer njima ti prosvjedi nisu dovoljno „anarhistički“, niti dovoljno „čisti“, dok je nama uvjet da je prosvjed progresivno usmjeren, kao izraz nezadovoljstva naroda vladajućom politikom i ekonomijom, te da iza njega ne stoje političke stranke. Ovi su nam uvjeti dovoljni za angažman, posebno u sadašnjem kontekstu gdje se radnička klasa suočava s brutalnim napadom na svoja prava i gdje je nužna solidarnost u njihovoj obrani. Na taj način imamo daleko više prilika izvršiti utjecaj na socijalna gibanja i radikalizirati ih, predlažući anarhističke metode organiziranja i djelovanja (direktna demokracija – ravnopravno odlučivanje, direktna akcija – djelovanje bez posrednika) i pokazujući vlastitim primjerom drugačije vrijednosti (kulturu otpora i solidarnosti, internacionalizam).

U takvim okvirima promatramo i našu „Protunacionalističku kampanju“ koju smo pokrenuli u 2. mjesecu 2012. godine. Kao konkretnu slobodarsku i anti-autoritarnu alternativu na ulici, u zajednici i na radnome mjestu. Alternativa koja se prije svega mora širiti usmenom propagandom, utječući na naše prijatelje i poznanike u navijačkim krugovima, na susjede i kolege na radnome mjestu, koji zatim naš utjecaj sami prenose dalje – na svoje prijatelje i poznanike. Uz usmenu propagandu tu su prijevodi tekstova i audio-video zapisi, koji prije svega služe za osposobljavanje aktivnih anti-autoritaraca i anarhista u našem gradu i šire, koji će zatim argumente i protunacionalističke stavove prenositi svojim prijateljima, obiteljima, poznanicima.

Zaključak bi bio da anarhisti moraju sudjelovati u progresivnim socijalnim gibanjima, kako bi izvršili utjecaj na ljude, a s druge strane kako bi probali suzbiti sve autoritarne tendencije – od nacionalista, boljševika, do svih ostalih ideoloških struja koje promoviraju parlamentarizam, državnost i slobodno tržište. Na taj način zaključujući - kako odsutnost anarhističkih ideja otvara prostor za prisutnost i snažan utjecaj nacionalističkih ideja.



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