Slobodna ekonomija i snažna država: neke bilješke o državi

Sažetak

Tvrdi se da je kriza iz 2008. vratila državu na pozornicu i taj se povratak doživljava kao pokazatelj postneoliberalnih tendencija. Ovakav analitički okvir implicira koncepciju tržišta i države kao dva odvojena načina socijalne organizacije te za sobom povlači vječno pitanje ima li tržište autonomiju u odnosu spram države ili država spram tržišta. Njihovo društveno ustrojstvo kao odvojenih oblika društvenih odnosa ne dovodi se u pitanje. Ovaj tekst argumentira kako je kapitalistička država u svojoj biti liberalna država. Ova koncepcija za sobom povlači klasu kao determinirajuću kategoriju sadržaja i forme države.

 

Neoliberalizam je došao do svog konačnog kraja s krizom koja je eruptirala 2008. (Cecena, 2009:33)

Uobičajeno se smatra da se neoliberalizam pojavio kao rezultat duboke krize ranih 1970-ih. Prema Altvateru je „počeo s krajem Bretton Woods sustava fiksnih tečajnih omjera 1973. i popratnom liberalizacijom financijskih tržišta u Velikoj Britaniji Margaret Thatcher“ (2009:73). Neoliberalizam se tako identificira sa specifičnim kapitalističkim režimom akumulacije, karakteriziranim dominacijom financijskog kapitala nad proizvodnim kapitalom.i Najčešće se neoliberalizam povezuje sa slabom državom koja je nesposobna oduprijeti se tržišnim silama. Neoliberalna država funkcionira kao država koja je potpora tržištu.

Tvrdi se da je neoliberalni režim akumulacije završio 2008. kada bankarska industrija nije oklijevala „vratiti državu na pozornicu“ na još radikalniji način nego u kejnzijanska vremena. Nakon što je država vraćena u igru, neoliberalni kapitalizam transformirao se u neku vrstu „financijskog socijalizma“ (Altvater, 2009: 79, citira Sennetta). Ovaj socijalizam socijalizira financijske gubitke, jamči „toksičan dug“ i osigurava privatne dobitke, a kako bi uravnotežio knjige, napada životne uvjete te pridonosi velikoj redistrubuciji bogatstva od rada prema kapitalu. Financijski socijalizam dobro ilustrira Marxovu ideju kapitalističke države kao izvršnog odbora buržoazije. Međutim, što se zbilja misli pod „povratkom države“? Da li je država zaista bila zapostavljena tijekom takozvanog neoliberalnog režima akumulacije?

Ideja povratka države sugerira državu koja oživljava i koja je povratila određenu mjeru kontrole nad tržištem. Ovakav analitički okvir implicira koncepciju tržišta i države kao dva odvojena načina socijalne organizacije te za sobom povlači vječno pitanje ima li tržište autonomiju u odnosu spram države ili država spram tržišta. Njihovo društveno ustrojstvo kao odvojenih oblika društvenih odnosa ne dovodi se u pitanje. Nakon Clarka (1992), ovaj tekst argumentira kako je kapitalistička država u svojoj biti liberalna država. Ova koncepcija za sobom povlači klasu kao determinirajuću kategoriju sadržaja i forme države.

 

Ono što je potrebno jest… iskrena i organizirana sila prinude. (Wolf, 2001)

Koliko god bili različiti politički odgovori na krizu 2008., jasan uspon neoliberalizma tijekom 1980-ih nije značio slabu državu. Uključivao je jaku državu. Knjiga Andrewa Gamblea o periodu Margaret Thatcher prikladno je nazvana Slobodna ekonomija i snažna država, što se jasno referira na ordoliberalnu koncepciju odnosa između nacionalne države i globalne ekonomije.ii Susan George (1988) opisala je 1980-e kao vrijeme u kojemu je sve privatizirano osim dugova, koji su socijalizirani kroz dužničko ropstvo i represivne reforme tržišta rada i države blagostanja. Ernest Mandel (1987) okarakterizirao je političku ekonomiju 1980-ih kao „vojni kejnzijanizam“, kejnzijanizam koji je refinancirao financijski sustav na rubu propasti zbog tadašnje dužničke krize i izloženosti lošim dugovima. Spašavanje je poprimilo oblik procikličkog globalnog financiranja deficita zasnovanog na američkom dolaru, ekspanziji vojno-industrijskog kompleksa, privatizaciji i financijskoj deregulaciji. Vojni kejnzijanizam nastojao je uravnotežiti knjige izvlačenjem novca iz džepova radništva i napadajući životne uvjete. Redistribucija bogatstva od rada prema kapitalu bila je takva da je ranih 1990-ih „oko dvije trećine svjetske populacije ostvarilo malo ili ništa značajne dobiti od brzog ekonomskog rasta. U razvijenom svijetu najniži kvartil dohodovnog razreda doživio je prelijevanje bogastva prema gore, a ne prema dolje“ (Financial Times, 24. prosinca 1993.). Ta jedna četvrtina od tada se proširila kako bi uključila više od polovice svjetske populacije, stvarajući neviđeni jaz u dohotku, na nacionalnoj i na globalnoj razini (Gly, 2006.)

Vojni kejnzijanizam održao je kapitalizam na osnovi akumulacije potencijalno izmišljenog bogatstva. Dug se povećao do takve razine da se, prema Financial Timesu (27. rujna 1993.), MMF ranih 1990-ih bojao kako se „prijetnja duga pomiče prema sjeveru. Ovih dana gomilanje duga Prvog Svijeta, a ne polagana kriza Afrike, remeti san dužnosnika MMF-a.“ Suočeni s povratkom kriza nakon 1987.iii i s raznim strahovanjima na tržištu dionica, SAD su se pojavile kao zemlja s najvećim dugom. Magdoff je 2002. pokazao da je privatni dug iznosio dvije trećine BDP-a, dok je ukupni dug – privatni plus državni – iznosio tri BDP-a. Potrošnja koja je premašivala dohotke održavala je globalnu ekonomiju koja je postala potpuno ovisna o planini duga.

Tijekom posljednjih trideset godina, akumulacija potencijalno izmišljenog bogatstva u obliku novca, M…M`, i prisilna kontrola rada – od dužničkog ropstva do novih ograđivanja te od deregulacije uvjeta do privatizacije rizika, činili su jednu cjelinu. U kontekstu globalne ekonomije zaražene dugom i ugrožene kolapsom duga, Martin Wolf tvrdio je da je garantiranje globalnog kapitala zahtijevalo snažne države. Kao što je to stavio u odnos s tzv. Trećim Svijetom, „ono što je potrebno nisu pobožne nade, već iskrena i organizirana sila prinude“ (Wolf, 2001). U odnosu spram tzv. razvijenog svijeta, Soros (2003) je s pravom tvrdio da je terorizam osigurao ne samo idealnu legitimaciju, već također i savršenog neprijatelja za nesmetanu prisilnu zaštitu dugom opterećenih slobodnotržišnih odnosa, „zato što je nevidljiv i nikada ne nestaje“. Pretpostavka politike duga jest neprekidna akumulacija „ljudskih strojeva“ na piramide akumulacije. Njezina slijepa žudnja za pljačkom zahtijeva silu prinude kako bi u sadašnjosti podržala veliku hipoteku na buduće prihode. Wolfov zahtjev za snažnom državom nije suprotstavljen neoliberalizmu. Neoliberalizam ne zahtijeva slabost države. Laissez-faire nije „odgovor na nerede“ (Willgerodt i Peacock, 1989: 6). Zaista, laissez-faire je „vrlo dvosmislen i varljiv opis principa na kojima se zasniva liberalna politka (Hayek, 1976:84). To jest, neoliberalna država „planira natjecanje“ (1976: 31) i stoga ne može biti tržišne slobode bez tržišne policije (Rüstow, 1942: 289). Za neoliberale tako postoji „prirodna veza između ekonomije i politike“ (Friedman, 1962: 8): ne samo da slobodno tržište zahtijeva snažnu državu koja ga podupire, već je također ovisno o državi kao sili prinude takve slobode.

I sada je neoliberalizam navodno došao do razornog kraja, kada su „financijska tržišta implodirala, uzrokujući velike gubitke od 1,4 bilijuna dolara u kolovozu 2008 (Altvater, 2009: 75). Iz njegovog pepela uzdiže se „nova era postneoliberalizma“ (Brandt i Sekler, 2009: 12) – odgovor na „negativne učinke neoliberalizma“, čiji je specifični način organizacije još uvijek nejasan. Može se nalaziti na spektru od socijaldemokracije do vojne diktature i od radikaliziranog kejnzijanizma do militarizacije društvenih odnosa. Kakav god bio njegov specifični način organizacije, u svojoj osnovi postneoliberalizam jest odbacivanje financijskog kapitalizma, pokretano društvenim snagama koje zahtijevaju povratak održivom rastu realne ekonomije (Brandt i Sekler, 2009: 11-12). Duh nadolazećeg doba tako se pojavljuje u formi snažne i sposobne „postneoliberalne“ države koja čini novac svojim slugom, stavljajući ga u službu rasta i otvaranja poslova.iv Postneoliberalna država tako se zamišlja kao moćna država koja nadzire tržište sa snažnim autoritetom države, u službi progresivne produktivne akumulacije, stvarajući poslove i bogatstvo.

 

Superstruktura je ekspresija podstruktrure. (Benjamin, 1983:495-6)

Marx uvodi svoju metaforu baze i superstrukture pišući o tome kako ga je istraživanje dovelo do spoznaje da „ukupna suma proizvodnih odnosa izgrađuje ekonomsku strukutru društva, realnu osnovu na kojoj se izdiže pravna i politička superstruktura kojoj odgovaraju pripadajući oblici društvene svijesti“ (1981: 8). Na stranu Marxovo vlastito razumijevanje svog rada kao kritike ekonomskih kategorija (Marx, 1981: 10) i s time same ekonomske objektivnosti iz koje se superstruktura treba izdići, njegova metafora govori da politička forma buržoaskog društva, država, pripada društvu iz kojeg izvire. Ugrubo, svrha kapitala jest akumulacija iscijeđenog viška vrijednosti, a država je politički oblik te svrhe.

Međutim, Marxova tvrdnja da je metafora baze/superstrukture njegova, neiskrena je. Njezino porijeklo nalazi se u klasičnoj političkoj ekonomiji. William Robertson (1890: 104) dobro je sažeo klasičnu poziciju: „u svakom ispitivanju koje se bavi djelovanjem ljudi ujedinjenih u društvo, prvi objekt pažnje trebao bi biti njihov način uzdržavanja. U skladu s time, kako se on mijenja mijenjaju se i njihovi zakoni i politika“. Adam Smith pružio je klasično izlaganje. Njegova teorija povijesti je značajna ne samo zbog naglaska stavljenog na ekonomske sile koje probijaju svoj put kroz povijest prema „trgovačkom društvu“, već i zbog argumenta da u svakoj povijesnoj etapi, politička forma društva, bilo shvaćena pojmovima autoriteta ili nadležnosti, nužno proizlazi iz oblika vlasništva. Za Smitha je privatno vlasništvo posljedica razvoja podjele rada. Ona dovodi do rastuće diferencijacije društva u odvojene društvene klase, a njezino širenje povećava društveni višak, što dovodi do ekspanzije privatnog vlasništva. Ova ekspanzija postavlja osnovu za odvajanje civilnog društva i države u kapitalizmu.

Smith određuje državu kao političku formu privatnog vlasništva i izvodi svrhu države iz potreba privatnog vlasništva. Država štiti, održava i potpomaže zakon privatnog vlasništva. Smith specificira određeni broj neophodnih funkcija države. Osim obrane zemlje od stranih prijetnji, mora osigurati egzaktno izvršavanje pravde kako bi razriješila sukobe interesa između vlasnika imovine. Za njega je „pravda glavni stup koji drži čitavu građevinu“ (1976b: 86). Pravda štiti pravo pojedinca na slobodu i vlasništvo, jamčeći okvir civilnog društva. Država je također neophodna za pružanje javnih dobara koja su potrebna za djelovanje tržišta, no koja samo tržište ne može pružiti zbog manjka profitabilnosti (vidi Smith, 1976a:723). Nadalje, država je zadužena za podupiranje zakona privatnog vlasništva uklanjanjem raznih institucionalnih i pravnih zapreka te suprotstavljanjem onim privatnim interesima koji su zapreka savršenoj slobodi tržišta. Ova odgovornost također podrazumjeva da država uloži napore kako bi se postigla „jeftinoća opskrbe“ (Smith 1978: 6), olakšavajući progresivni razvoj akumulacije na osnovi povećane produktivnosti rada.

Smith uvodi temu klasne borbe između kapitala i rada, tvrdeći da „prosječne nadnice svugdje ovise o ugovoru između te dvije strane čiji interesi nipošto nisu isti“. To jest, „radnici žele dobiti što je moguće više, gospodari dati što je moguće manje. Prvi su skloni udruživanju kako bi povećali, drugi kako bi smanjili nadnicu“ (Smith, 1976a: 83). U ovoj borbi, gospodari imaju zadnju riječ jer su „malobrojniji, mnogo lakše se udružuju… i mogu duže živjeti od zaliha koje su već nakupili“. S druge strane, radnici mogu gladovati. Radnička buntovnost je razumljiva, budući da „su očajni“. No ipak, njihovo djelovanje je blesavo jer „radnici vrlo rijetko izvuku ikakvu korist iz nasilja tih burnih kombinacija“ (Smith 1976a: 83-4).

Prema Smithu, rješenje klasnog konflikta može se nalaziti jedino u određivanju pravog interesa radnika, a pravi interes nalazi se u kontinuiranoj progresivnoj akumulaciji. „Radnicima je bolje ne boriti se, jer s porastom viška akumuliraju se zalihe i povećava broj radnika, a porast prihoda i zaliha jest porast nacionalnog bogatstva. Potražnja za onima koji žive od nadnice … povećava se s porastom nacionalnog bogatstva.“ (Smith, 1976a: 86-7). To je znači slavni trickle down efekt – akumulacija, kako Smith tvrdi, povećava nacionalno bogatstvo i „uzrokuje porast nadnica“ ((Smith, 1976a: 87). Smith to naziva „liberalnom nagradom za rad“, a jedna posljedica njegovog argumenta naravno jest to da ako postoje siromašni, tada je to indikacija kako je „došlo do zastoja“ ((Smith, 1976a: 91), što zahtijeva akciju države kako bi se omogućila „jeftina dobra svih vrsta“ (Smith, 1976a: 333). Vlasnici dionica mogu u nekim zemljama ostvariti veće stope povrata investicija nego u drugim zemljama, „što bez sumnje demonstrira višak njihove zalihe“ (Smith, 1976a: 109). Održavanje zalihe zahtijeva kompetitivnu prilagodbu, čije olakšavanje „pripada policiji“ (Smith, 1978: 5).

Prema Smithu, „nacionalno bogatstvo“ i „radnici“ imaju koristi od progresivne akumulacije. Međutim, vlasnici dionica imaju dvosmislen odnos spram progresivne akumulacije jer „povećanje zaliha, što povisuje nadnice, teži smanjenju profita“ (Smith, 1976a: 105). Kapitalisti bi tako mogli nastojati umjetno održavati profitnu stopu, ometajući prirodnu slobodu tržišta, na primjer kroz fiksiranje cijena ili protekcionizam. Ovakva vrsta nametanja privatne moći „proizvodi potrebu za onim što nazivamo policijom. Bilo kakva regulacija trgovine, poljoprivrede ili manufaktura zemlje, smatra se domenom policije“ (Smith, 1978: 5). Što će reći, „ekonomski sustav zahtijeva tržišnu policiju sa snažnim autoritetom države za svoju zaštitu i održavanje“ (Rüstow, 1942: 289), a efikasan nadzor obuhvaća „snažnu državu, državu tamo gdje joj je i mjesto: povrh i iznad ekonomije, povrh i iznad zainteresiranih stranki (Rüstow, 1963: 258). Sposobnost države da zaštiti i održi zakon vrijednosti ovisi o njezinoj separaciji od civilnog društva – neovisnost o društvu omogućuje njezino efikasno djelovanje kao kapitalističke države. Neuspjeh u održavanju separacije od društva bi „naposljetku doveo do klasnog rata“ (Nicholls, 1984: 170).

Prema Hegelu (1967: 210), prevencija klasnog rata može se unaprijediti „uspješnim ratovima koji kontroliraju domaće nemire i konsolidiraju moć države u vlastitoj kući“. Također je zastupao korištenje etičkih sredstava, uključujući regresivnu jednakost nacionalizma, što podrazumijeva da smo, neovisno o našim materijalnim uvjetima, svi članovi jednog nacionalnog broda – zamišljene zajednice koja podrazumijeva nadilaženje klasnih odnosa.v Prije Hegela, Smith (1976a: 723) je već tvrdio da država mora promicati „poučavanje naroda“, uglavnom kroz obrazovanje i javne diverzije. Tvrdio je da vlast mora ulagati napore u kompenzirnje društvenih efekata akumulacije, preuzimajući odgovornost za kulturalna djelovanja kojima se održava liberalni ustroj civilnog društva. Nasuprot lažnoj svijesti klasnog rata, država mora natjerati radnike da shvate kako se njihov istinski interes nalazi u progresivnoj akumulaciji. Riječima Müller-Armacka, ordo-liberalnog zagovornika nezanemarive reputacije koji je skovao frazu „socijalna tržišna ekonomija“,vi to treba dovesti do ugradnje kompetitivnosti „u cjelokupni stil života“ (Müller-Armack, 1978: 328). Tako svrha države postaje osiguranje „potpunog iskorjenjivanja nereda iz tržišta i eliminacija privatne moći iz ekonomije“ (Böhm, citirano u Hasselbach, 1991: 92). Slobodno tržište se tako potvrđuje kao bezdržavna sfera pod zaštitom države. Država depolitizira vođenje društvenih odnosa kao odnosa slobode i jednakosti, te to čini monopoliziranjem političkog kao „koncentrirane i organizirane društvene snage“ (Marx, 1983: 703).

Njeni zagovornici besramno zagovaraju liberalnu državu kao klasnu državu koja navodno djeluje u stvarnom interesu radnika – u interesu poslova, nadnica i radnih uvjeta, te tako i u interesu progresivne akumulacije kapitala. Država „održava bogate u posjedu njihovog bogatstva nasuprot nasilju i lakomosti siromašnih (Smith, 1978: 338), i podučava siromašne kako se njihov istinski interes nalazi u progresivnoj akumulaciji kapitala. Naravno, država nije klasna samo zato što njezini zagovornici kažu da jest. Međutim, metafora baze i superstrukture koju Marx izvodi iz klasične političke ekonomijevii govori da je država politički oblik zakona privatnog vlasništva. Kao porezna država, ona u potpunosti ovisi o progresivnoj akumulaciji kapitala. Međutim, klasni karakter države nije definiran u nacionalnim granicama. On opstaje kroz odnose svjetskog tržišta. Kao što je Smith rekao (1976a: 848-849), „vlasnik dionica je istinski građanin svijeta i nije nužno vezan za neku određenu zemlju. Bit će sklon napustiti zemlju u kojoj je podvrgnut dosadnim istragama kako bi mu se nametnuo tegoban porez, a premjestit će svoj kapital u neku drugu zemlju gdje će nastaviti svoj posao ili lakše uživati u svome bogatsvu.“ To će reći, „kapitalistički zakon privatnog vlasništva i ugovora nadilazi nacionalne pravne sustave, a svjetski novac nadilazi nacionalne valute“ (Clarke, 1992: 136, također Bonefeld, 2000). Smith je svoj rad pisao kao kritiku tadašnje merkantilističke države. Do početka 19. stoljeća, ona je postala ideološko pravovjerje liberalizirajuće države (Clarke, 1988. 1.poglavlje). U tom su kontekstu Marx i Engles u Komunističkom manifestu pisali o kozmopolitskom karakteru buržoazije, i definirali nacionalnu državu kao izvršni odbor buržoazije.

 

Zakoni su tu zbog države, a ne država zbog zakona. Ukoliko se mora birati između njih dvoje, zakon se mora žrtvovati državi. (Rossiter, 1948: 11)

U naše je vrijeme Milton Friedman pružio uvjerljivu definiciju države kao izvršnog odbora buržoazije. Kako je rekao, država je „nužna kao forum za određivanje pravila igre i kao sudac za interpretaciju i provođenje donesenih pravila“, a prisila je nužna „spram nekolicine onih koji inače ne bi igrali igru“ (1962: 15, 25). To jest, „organizacija ekonomske aktivnosti kroz dobrovoljnu razmjenu pretpostavlja da smo, putem vlade, osigurali održavanje zakona i reda što spriječava dominaciju jednog pojedinca nad drugim, provedbu slobodno sklopljenih ugovora, definiciju značenja vlasničkih prava, interpretaciju i zaštitu tih prava i pružanje monetarnog okvira (str. 27). Država mora „promicati natjecanje“ (str. 34) i činiti za tržišta ono što ona „ne mogu učiniti za sebe“ (str. 27). Friedman tvrdi da liberali „moraju upotrijebiti političke kanale kako bi razriješili razmirice“ jer je država organizacija koja pruža sredstvo „kojim možemo mijenjati pravila“ (str. 23, naglašeno). Međutim, što se događa kada se oni umiješaju?

Uključivanje radničke klase u sustav liberalne demokracije kroz reprezentaciju ne predstavlja veliku nesreću za kapital i državu. Kao što je rekao Simon Clarke (1991b: 200), „razvoj parlamentarnog zastupanja radničke klase, koliko god da je pružio prostora za poboljšanje materijalnih uvjeta dijelova radničke klase, ostaje daleko od izraza kolektivne snage radničke klase i postaje način kojim se ta klasa dijeli, demobilizira i demoralizira“viii. Veliku opasnost predstavlja demokratizacija društva.ix Ona ukida buržoasku separaciju između društva i države i to čini prepoznavanjem i organiziranjem svojih „forces propres“ kao društvenih snaga (Marx, 1964: 370). Prema (neo)liberalnim zagovornicima takva demokratizacija, to jest politizacija društvenih radnih odnosa putem kontinuiranih društvenih borbi, inherentna je tržišnom sustavu. Na primjer, za Smitha klasna borba proizlazi iz očajnih uvjeta radnika; tvrdio je da takva borba izražava lažnu svijest jer poboljšanje uvjeta ovisi o progresivnoj akumulaciji, te poziva državu da osigura jeftinu opskrbu (pomoću veće produktivnosti rada). Ordo-liberali iznose slične tvrdnje. Prema njihovom viđenju, tendencija onoga što nazivaju proletarizacijom inherentna je kapitalističkim društvenim odnosima, što ako se ne drži pod kontrolom dovodi do društvene krize, previranja i nereda. Obuzdavanje proletarizacije odgovornost je politike, a načini njenog obuzdavanja uključuju raspon od internalizacije kompetitivnosti (Müller-Amarck, 1978), stvaranja društva dioničara (Röpke, 1949), transformacije proleterskog društva u vlasničku demokraciju (Brittan, 1984), supranacionalne regulacije novca i prava (Hayek, 1939; Müller-Amarck, 1971) i političke akcije protiv kolektivnog organiziranja: „kako bi sloboda imala šansu za preživljavanje i kako bi se održala pravila koja osiguravaju slobodne individualne odluke, država mora djelovati“ (Willgerodt i Peacock, 1989: 6), a „najfundamentalnija načela slobodnog društva … mogu se privremeno žrtvovati … kako bi se dugoročno sačuvala sloboda“ (Hayek, 1960: 217). Zaista, u vremenima krize „nijedna žrtva nije prevelika za našu demokraciju, a najmanje od svega privremeno žrtvovanje same demokracije“ (Rossiter, 1949: 314). Kako bi prevladala pravda, mora se obnoviti poredak. Pravo nije primjenjivo na društveni nered. Pravo je posljedica reda, a vladavina prava ovisi o sili prava. Zbog ovog jednostavnog razloga toliko razglašeni građanin također se promatra i kao potencijalni sigurnosni rizik.

Upotreba „iskrene i organizirane sile“ (Wolf, 2001) odnosi se, dakle, na policijsku akciju poduzetu kako bi se potpomogla i održala pravda, taj stup zakona privatnog vlasništva. Što je poštena plaća? Ideja poštene plaće pretpostavlja da je ugovor o radu sklopljen između jednakih razmjenskih partnera, od kojih svaki slobodno ulazi u ugovor i nastoji unaprijediti vlastite interese. Čak i pod tom pretpostavkom, kodificiranje odnosa između kapitalista i radnika kao jednakih i slobodnih građana u kontradikciji je sa sadržajem te razmjene. Jednom kada se potpiše ugovor o radu, nastupa prostor tvornice. Ugovor o nadnici fundamentalni je oblik buržoaske slobode – on povezuje jednakost s eksploatacijom.

Politička ekonomija zaista jest učena rasprava o tome kako se dobit izvučena od radnika može raspodijeliti (vidi Marx, 1983: 559), a što radnici dobiju više, to bolje. Naposljetku, društveni rad proizvodi „bogatstvo naroda“, i to u kontekstu u kojem „radnik pripada kapitalu još prije nego što se prodao kapitalu“ (Marx, 1983: 542). Dakle optimistična sugestija kako će „post-neoliberalni“ način kapitalističke regulacije biti onaj koji stvara poslove prevodi zahtjeve radničke klase za zaposlenjem i socijalnom sigurnosti u politiku ekonomskog rasta i pritiska na državu da potpomogne porast stope akumulacije (Clarke, 1991b: 200). Radnička klasa ostaje objekt državne moći. Sudbena moć države stoji iza prisvajanja rada bez ekvivalenta kapitalističke klase, a istodobno onemogućava radničku klasu da koristi svoju kolektivnu snagu kako bi potvrdila pravo na produkt svoga rada (Clarke, 1991b: 1989). Sudbena moć države ne obuhvaća samo legalno prepoznavanje pojedinca kao vlasnika. Ona također obuhvaća i silu zakona. Ili kako je to Walter Benjamin rekao, za potlačene „izvanredno stanje … nije iznimka već pravilo“ (Benjamin, 1965: 84).

 

Zaključak

Spremno prihvaćanje kapitalističke krize kao točke tranzicije iz jednog režima akumulacije prema novome režimu akumulacije zasniva se na nekim značajkama kapitalističkog razvoja koje su uzdignute na razinu definirajućih karakteristika različitih načina kapitalističke regulacije (Bonefeld, 1987). Površan karakter takve analize spriječava razumijevanje trajnih značajki kapitalističkih društvenih odnosa, a zanemarivanje povijesti je zapanjujuće. Povijest nam govori „koliko brzo epoha globalnog prosperiteta, koji podupire očuvanje svjetskog mira i međunarodne harmonije, može postati epoha globalne konfrontacije koja kulminira ratom. Ako se takva budućnost sada čini malo vjerojatnom, jednako malo vjerojatnom činila se i prije jednog stoljeća“ (Clarke, 2001: 91), a danas se čini vjerojatnijom nego jučer. Povijest nam govori da je rješenje krize kapitalizma – proklamirano kao kapitalizam ekonomskog rasta, poslova i boljih uvjeta – potencijalno barbarsko (Bonefeld i Holloway, 1996). To jest, ideja stalnih smjena kapitalističkih režima otkriva smanjivanje povijesne svijesti. Opravdava zaboravljivost.

Iznio sam tvrdnju da karakter neoliberalne države nije definiran njezinim odnosom spram tržišta, već klasom. Dalje sam argumentirao da je kapitalistička država fundamentalno liberalna država. Bilo da je netko označava kao neoliberalnu, post-neoliberalnu, kejnzijansku, fordističku ili post-fordističku, svrha države koja je svojstvena njenom buržoaskom karakteru, jest „vladanje radnom snagom“ (Hirsch, 1997: 47; također vidi Agnoli, 1990). Stari opis države kao izvršnog odbora buržoazije to najbolje sažima.

 

Izvorno obljavljeno u časopisu Capital & Class 2010 34: 15

 

izvor: libcom.org

 


i Altvaterova implicirana distinkcija između dobrog kapitalizma proizvodnje i lošeg kapitalizma parazitskog stvaranja novca nije najzgodnija. Takvo razlikovanje propušta konceptualizirati kapitalizam. Jednako nezgodna jest i njegova mitologizacija „thatcherističke Britanije“. O krizom obilježenoj vezi između produktivne i monetarne akumulacije, kao i njezinom razvoju tijekom Thatcherinog perioda, vidi Bonefeld (1993).

ii Ordo-liberalizam razvio se u Njemačkoj tijekom krize Weimarske repubilke, od kraja 1920-ih nadalje. Tvrdio je da slobodna ekonomija zahtijeva snažnu državu koja ju pomaže i štiti. Hayek se priključio ordo-liberalima nakon poraza nacizma. Ordo-liberalizam ili Freiburška škola kako se kasnije također nazivao, postavio je temelje suvremenog neoliberalizma. Vidi Haselbach (1991) i Bonefeld (2006a).

iii Odnosi se na vremenski period od sloma 1987. i duboke recesije ranih 1990-ih, do europske krize valuta 1992. i 1993., meksičke krize 1994., istočnoazijske krize 1997., ruske krize 1998., brazilske krize 1999. i argentinske krize 2001. Period između 2001. i 2007. obilježen je vojnom potrošnjom, planinom privatnog i javnog duga, ratom, torturom i siromaštvom. Tijekom tog perioda, kineska pretjerana stopa akumulacije jamčila je veliku akumulaciju prava na prisvajanje buduće vrijednosti u sadašnjosti (o odnosu između kredita i vrijednosti, vidi Bonefeld i Holloway, 1996).

iv O povijesti tog zahtjeva u kontekstu ranije debate o državi, vidi Bonefeld (2008). Simon Clarke uredio je debatu, uz važan uvod u Clarke (1991a).

v Snaga ovog etičkog poziva je naprimjer jasna u onome što je Radice (2000) kritizirao kao „progresivni nacionalizam“. Takav nacionalizam razlikuje „zdravi nacionalni osjećaj od patološkog nacionalizma“. To je jednako ideološki kao i vjerovanje u normalno mišljenje povezano s patogenim mišljenjem. Dinamika koja vodi od navodno zdravog nacionalnog osjećaja u njegov precijenjeni suvišak nezaustavljiva je, jer je njena neistina ukorijenjena u činu kojim osoba sebe identificira s iracionalnom mješavinom prirode i društva u kojoj se slučajno našla“ (Adorno, 1998: 118). Također vidi Bonefeld (2006b).

vi Izraz „socijalna tržišna ekonomija“ je nejasan. On označava različite stvari različitim ljudima. U svojem neoliberalnom izvorniku, socijalni aspekt tržišne ekonomije znači „iskrenu odluku“ za slobodno trište. Baloghova definicija socijalne tržišne ekonomije je jezgrovita. To je „planiranje putem mehanizma slobodnih cijena“.

vii I koja dakle ne nadilazi klasičnu političku ekonomiju (vidi Bonefeld 1992, 2003).

viii Također vidi Agnoli (2002) i Radice (2001).

ix Kako je to Hennis nezaboravno izrazio, „demokratizacija društva najveći je neprijatelj demokracije“ (citirano u Agnoli, 1990: 136).

 

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